The Sources of Military Doctrine

 Barry R. Posen in the book The Sources of Military Doctrine: France, Britain, and Germany between the World Wars investigates how military doctrine takes shape and the role it plays in grand strategy―that set of military, economic, and political means and endings with which a state attempts to achieve security. (Posen, 1986).  Posen isolates three critical components of a specified strategic doctrine: its offensive, defensive, or deterrent features, its integration of military resources with political purposes, and the level of military or operational initiation it includes. (Posen, 1986).   Then he analyzes these components of doctrine in the views of balance and organization theory of power theory, considering the influence of geography and technology. Looking at interwar France, Britain, and Germany, Posen challenges each theory to spell out the German Blitzkrieg, the British air defense system, as well as the French Army's defensive doctrine commonly from the Maginot Line. (Posen, 1986). This demanding comparative study, where the balance of power theory emerges as the more useful. It enables us to uncover important implications for the study of national strategy today, but also serves to sharpen our comprehension of the beginnings of World War II.

 The Rise and Fall of the Great Powers Paul Kennedy is about national and international power in the "modern" or Post Renaissance period. Describes how the various powers have risen and fallen over the 5 centuries since the foundation of the "new monarchies" in W. Europe. (Kennedy, 2010). The author has attempted three endeavors in this publication: first, to elaborate and refine the concept of military doctrine, paying special attention to three significant dimensions along which doctrines can vary; second, and of greater value, to systematically apply two significant theories of state behavior, as well as some widely held though badly developed propositions about technology and geography, as tools for the study of doctrine; and third, in the procedure of using these tools, to examine the two theories and the less well-developed propositions against one another for their explanatory power. (Kennedy, 2010).

 The case studies of British, French, and German doctrine, Paul Kennedy of Yale University has broken ranks with his co-workers. In a work of nearly Toynbeean sweep he describes a pattern of development that is previous that is not only directly applicable to our times but is certainly designed to be read by policy makers, especially American policy makers. (Kennedy, 2010). ''The Rise and Fall of the Great Powers'' is, as Mr. Kennedy states, a publication that can be read on at least two levels. On the one hand it presents a clearly defined and closely reasoned thesis explaining the subject matter of the title - states drop and rise, and the procedure is continuing. On another, so that you can offer the data because of his thesis, Mr. Kennedy gives a clearly written and pretty uncontentious history of the rise and fall of Europe and its empires and the confrontation between the superpowers which had followed. He backs the view of the German historian Leopold von Ranke that history is basically about high politics, whenever they comprehend the historic processes of, and that politicians will be better at their jobs. (Kennedy, 2010). 

 Among the most influental political science works composed in the post Second World War era, the first version of Essence of Decision by Graham Allison and Philip Zelikow is a fascinating and unique evaluation of the critical occurrence of the Cold War that is chilly. Not only revised, but totally rewritten, the Second Edition of the classic text is a unique reinterpretation of events and the theories enclosing the Cuban Missle Crisis, including all information that was new in the Kennedy cassettes and recently declassified Soviet files. (Allison & Zelikow, 1999).  Essence of Decision Second Edition, is a graphic look at decision making under pressure and is the sole single volume work that tries to answer the bearing question: how should citizens comprehend the activities of the authorities? Allison and Zelikow use evidence in the Cuban missile crisis to describe our standard and intuitive explanations of world events (based on a logical model of actions performed by comparatively monolithic players: "the Usa is getting out of Iraq to focus its resources on Afghanistan", for example) is inadequate. (Allison & Zelikow, 1999).   Two other models are presented by them, one focused on organizational procedures as well as another on negotiating and people jostling within organizations, plus they convincingly demonstrate these models sometimes supersede the logical model of activity and sometimes complement. (Allison & Zelikow, 1999).   The theoretical chapters really are a tough read to get all of the explanations as well as any non-scholar, but the power of the disaster that may be drawn from it.

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 In his article The long peace, the end of the cold war, and the failure of realism, the author, Richard Ned Lebow explains how prominent  realists maintain that a change is in progress in the international system from bipolarity to multipolarity. Neorealists and realists equally claim that superpower behaviour since 1945 is consistent with their theories. The realist paradigm is founded on the central premise that anarchy is the defining feature of the global system. Anarchy compels states to seek to improve power as against other values also to make security their overriding issue. Power means capacity relative to other states. (Lebow, 1994).  Theories that are testable need attentive conceptual and operational definitions of the independent and dependent variables. These definitions stipulate in what way the variants can be quantified and have to be conceptually exact or their existence determined. (Lebow, 1994).  Theories must stipulate the conditions related to consequences that are predicted. Great theory is founded on premises that were great. Realists maintain their core premise of anarchy correctly captures the dynamics of the global system and creates strong explanations of conduct that is interstate. Security specialists consider it extraordinary the superpowers didn't go to war as did match hegemons of days gone by. (Lebow, 1994).  

 In his work The Rise and Decline of Nations, the author, Mancur Olson holds that in the years since World War II there has been rapid changes in the relative situations of areas and different nations. Leading political economist Mancur Olson provides a new and powerful theory to describe these shifts and examines his theory against signs from a lot of areas of the planet and many periods of history. This insightful publication sets out to spell out why markets succumb to the British disorder that is ‘,’ the form of demoralization and stagnation which is sweeping North America and Europe. (Olson, 1982).  A persuasive article that may create an impact in the way we think about modern economic problems gives to the ailments of the current mixed economy. The thesis of the work is the fact that the longer a society have political stability, the much more probable it's to develop strong special interest lobbies that in turn make it efficient. The essential ideas are straightforward, yet they provide insight into a variety of historic and societal problems. Olson contrasts' distributional coalitions' and ‘encompassing organizations’- big and little pressure groups, to put it differently. Most pressure groups do more damage than good, while the damage is spread via the country, but the great goes to the members.

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 In the article Are Bureaucracies Important?, Stephen D. Krasner, writes in regards to America as being endangered by weakened states in the increasingly interconnected international system in his post, Addressing State Failure (2005). (Krasner, 1972).  Krasner believes in conflict prevention, where he considers the Us and non-governmental organizations (NGOs) should allow it to be clear that stabilizing poor states on the planet is high on the policy schedule. Krasner lays out three measures to what he considers are the key aims in handling poor post-conflict states like the USA rebuilding of Iraq. (Krasner, 1972).  Krasner additionally claims that bureaucratic politics and bureaucratic procedures aren't what shape American foreign policy. Rather, he says the undisputed power of the U.S. President is what finally leads to the foreign policy choices Are Bureaucracies Important? (1972). He also says that bureaucratic politics are dangerous and deceptive, “because it sabotages the premises of democratic politics by taking over high ranking officials of duty” (1972). Bureaucratic theorists view the collective conclusions of smaller actors in the bureaucratic procedure as what determines the foreign policy, not the choices of the high ranking executive officials. But Krasner asserts that it's a theory that is dangerous for the reason that it gives reasons for his or her foreign policy failures to leaders, plus it provides a skewed perspective of the supreme power the President possesses to the people. (Krasner, 1972).   He defines states political aims as an immediate expression of the President’s of what he believes society ought to be national interest aims and beliefs.

 The principal idea in Peter F. Drucker’s journal article The global economy and the nation-state is that  in sum, although there's been a considerable increase in cross-border actions, they're not representative of most of financial interactions, which are very much bounded by national borders and geographic land. On the other hand, one area in which some analysts believe that digitalisation and also a loss of autonomy could be a good thing is that of financial and monetary policy (Drucker, 1997). They point out that financial control and tight monetary have now been seen to gain special interest groups to the detriment of society generally, and, that the loss such sovereignty would reinforce rather than weaken the nation-state. Skeptics since Immanuel Kant have forecast the death of the nation-state. And globalization has staged an assault on state sovereignty, exploiting its susceptibility in financial markets and elsewhere. But the nation state has shown amazing resilience. It will continue, albeit in a sort that is significantly transformed, especially in its control of domestic fiscal and monetary policies, economic policies that are foreign, international business, and war. (Drucker, 1997).

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 The article Public Opinion and Foreign Policy: Challenges to the Almond-Lippmann Consensus Mershon Series: Research Programs and Debates by Ole R. Holsti proceeds on the premise that public opinion will continue in order to be important issue in discussions about international problems, particularly concerning problems of peace and war. Therefore it is all the more crucial that you clarify the way that it acts, and just what “public opinion” means, the way that it could be quantified. There's fertile soil for this kind of inquiry. On the last 40 years, public opinion polling has spread to the majority of corners of the world, making international comparisons considerably simpler than was the case formerly. (Holsti, 1992).  Additionally, scholarship on foreign policy and public opinion has created a virtual revolution in the way in which scholars comprehend the procedure for change and opinion formation. The paper investigates the effect of public opinion on international policy making in a liberal democracy empirically and theoretically. (Holsti, 1992).  The argument between realists and liberalists is investigated with special emphasis on the sway of public opinion on international policy making in America. The paper then analyzes empirical evidence in the European Union as well as America.

 Aldrich, Sullivan and Borgida argue in their article Foreign Affairs And Issue Voting: Do Presidential Candidates “Waltz Before A Blind Audience? that while nominees often spend much time plus effort campaigning on international and defense policies, the thrust of prevailing scholarly view is the fact that voters possess poor outlooks and little info on such problems, which thus have minimal effect on their voting behavior. (Aldrich, Sullivan, & Borgida, 1989).  They solve this anomaly by claiming that public attitudes on international and defense policies can be found and cognitively accessible, that the people's vote selections have influenced, and the public has perceived clear differences between the candidates on such problems in recent elections. (Aldrich, Sullivan, & Borgida, 1989).  Data suggest these decisions are suitable for national problems and foreign affairs problems. The authors propose a model of driven disbelief which helps clarify when and why citizens are biased-info chips. (Aldrich, Sullivan, & Borgida, 1989).   

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 Two experimental studies investigate how citizens value arguments about gun control and affirmative action, finding strong evidence of a past disposition effect such that attitudinally congruent arguments are assessed as incongruent arguments that are more powerful than attitudinally. (Aldrich, Sullivan, & Borgida, 1989).   When reading pro and con arguments, participants accept supporting arguments, evidence of a verification bias and assert the contrary arguments. In addition , they look for a confirmation bias—the seeking from confirmatory signs—when participants are free to self-select the wellspring of the arguments they read. The evidence and verification prejudices cause approach polarization particularly among those with the priors that are most effective and maximum levels of political sophistication. They conclude with a discussion of the normative consequences of the findings for reasonable behavior in a democracy.

 The article The pretty prudent public: Post post-Vietnam American opinion on the use of military force by Bruce W. Jentleson associates a "post post-Vietnam" routine to recent American public opinion on using military force. (Jentleson, 1992). Data is drawn from eight instances of limited military force in the 1980s and the 1990-91 Persian Gulf war. . (Jentleson, 1992).  Although other variables enter in, especially the "halo effect" of fast-strike successes, the variations in public support are best described by differences in primary policy goals between force used to coerce foreign policy restraint via an aggressor state, and pressure used to determine or visit internal political change within another state. Differentiations are made among and within the instances, revealing the American people when the main aim was to limit rather than remake authorities to have been considerably more supportive of using force. These findings have theoretical implications for the investigation of public opinion, prescriptive consequences for U.S. foreign policy strategy, and normative consequences for perspectives of the part of the people in the foreign policy process. . (Jentleson, 1992).

 Culture and military doctrine: France between the wars, Elizabeth Kier examines the prevalent culture in just a military organization and the way that it reacts to constraints determined by civilian policymakers determine the alternative between defensive and attacking military doctrines. (Kier, 1995). This organizational culture embodies the way an organization that is military sees the actions of the assignment as well as their universe. This type of culturalist approach demands, rather than from practical or structural states zeroes in on an actor's culture in comprehending its tastes. The military culture of France between II and World War I is examined. (Kier, 1995).

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